The deceased US vice-president Dick Cheney, who has died at the age of 84, was considered arguably the most powerful holders of that position in the nation's history. While countless second-in-commands had to settle for minor or figurehead roles, Cheney held enormous sway during the presidency of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was often referred to as the "true president".
Bush disliked such a characterisation and said the dynamic was more complicated. He noted that Cheney was respectful, always addressing him in public settings as the President, while he addressed him as Dick. Bush questioned even characterisations of their partnership as a team because it implied that they were equals. Regardless of such protestations, Cheney viewed the relaxed president accommodating on a broad range of policy decisions.
A Period Following the Attacks
At the head of a faction of neo-cons that included military head Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he pushed hard for the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in response to the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been participating in a gathering at a elementary school in Florida. While Bush headed for a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney took command, ordering the shooting down of any non-communicating aircraft nearing the US Capitol.
Cheney claimed the attacks altered his perspective, leading him to become focused on retribution. Together with other neo-conservatives, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a takeover of Afghanistan in an attempt to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the military action of Iraq, even though there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Controversial Decisions
He showed no remorse about the armed intervention, in which an reckoned 100,000 Iraqis lost their lives, or about the harsh treatment of individuals captured after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was predicated on inaccurate information circulated by Cheney, was the right path to take. "It represented the proper decision to do back then. I was convinced at the time and I believe it today."
Yet during that period, there were contrary opinions at a high level about the poor management of Iraq. One of the administration's own special envoys to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was dismissed from the position. "I witnessed, at a minimum," he later wrote "true dereliction, negligence, and recklessness: at worst, lying, ineptitude, and corruption."
Broader Context
Cheney was not completely accountable for the Iraq military action. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for similar measures. He had drafted a document detailing situations in which US concerns might be threatened (including "availability of essential resources, mostly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "America should be positioned to act independently when joint efforts prove impossible," specifically referencing military moves against Iraq.
Bush additionally had arrived in the presidency somewhat determined on executing what his predecessor had specifically avoided to do in 1991; topple Saddam. Following he had been dismissed by the administration, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill recounted how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his plan of diminishing America's participation in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and mooted defense operations against Iraq.
Bush held a individual resentment against Saddam, believing he had been responsible for a scheme to kill his predecessor, President George HW Bush, on a trip to Kuwait in 1993. He furthermore disliked that one of the biggest establishments in Baghdad had a ground design with a image of his predecessor's countenance that each person had to walk over.
Interrogation Methods
But it was Cheney who was one of the most outspoken behind invading Iraq, frequently quoting intelligence reports that were both thin or totally inaccurate. He backed what the Bush White House euphemistically referred to as "enhanced interrogation", the application of waterboarding and physical pressure.
Addressing a Senate document in 2014 that found that no useful information had been obtained through the harsh techniques, Cheney disregarded the report as "full of crap". He told Fox News: "We requested [the CIA] to implement measures and put in place initiatives to catch the individuals who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it was not repeated. That's exactly what they did and they earn a lot of credit."
External Perception
Cheney took pleasure in labels imposed on him by critics such as the Star Wars villain and The Prince of Darkness, and by the idea that he was a sinister influence manipulating Bush. In the author's 2013 publication about the pair, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Am I the malevolent mastermind in the background that nobody ever sees come out of his domain? It's a nice way to operate, actually."
Commercial Ties
Debate over his corporate affiliations accompanied him during his tenure as second-in-command. While he had little experience in commerce but strong connections in security, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's most substantial oil and gas corporations, in 1995 as chairman and CEO.
In 2000 he became Bush's VP candidate for the executive branch. Controversially, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was given US agreements totaling multiple billions.
It made him rich. His annual income during his period at the firm increased from his quarter-million dollars when he was defence secretary to over four million. When he departed in 2000 he had a severance arrangement totaling more than $20m|twenty
